The late US vice-president Dick Cheney, who passed away at the age of 84, was regarded as among the most powerful occupants of that position in the nation's history. While many VPs had to settle for minor or figurehead positions, Cheney wielded huge influence during the administration of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was frequently referred to as the "true president".
Bush disliked such a characterisation and said the relationship was more complicated. He noted that Cheney was courteous, invariably calling him in public settings as Mr President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush questioned even portrayals of their association as a team because it implied that they were on equal footing. Regardless of these denials, Cheney considered the relaxed president pliable on a whole raft of governmental choices.
A Aftermath of 9/11
Leading of a contingent of conservative hawks that included defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been taking part in a gathering at a educational institution in Florida. As Bush headed for a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, directing the shooting down of any unresponsive aircraft approaching the US Capitol.
Cheney said the attacks changed him, leading him to become determined on revenge. Along with other neo-cons, like Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a occupation of Afghanistan in an endeavor to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the military action of Iraq, even though there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein being involved.
Disputed Policies
He showed no remorse about the armed intervention, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis died, and not about the harsh treatment of individuals captured after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was founded on misleading reports echoed by Cheney, was the proper course of action. "It was the correct action to do at that time. I had faith back then and I believe it presently."
Yet during that period, there were opposing views at a high level about the poor management of Iraq. One of the White House's own representatives to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the role. "I witnessed, as a baseline," he wrote later "obvious failure, negligence, and unaccountability: potentially, lying, unfitness, and dishonesty."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not solely to blame for the Iraq invasion. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for comparable steps. He had drafted a memorandum detailing scenarios in which national priorities might be compromised (including "obtaining vital raw materials, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "the US should be postured to act independently when cooperative measures prove impossible," explicitly referencing military moves against Iraq.
Bush too had entered the Oval Office generally inclined on carrying out what his parent had famously refused to do in 1991; topple Saddam. After he had been fired by the administration, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his intention of reducing America's engagement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and suggested armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush held a private grievance against Saddam, thinking he had been behind a plot to assassinate his father, President George HW Bush, on a trip to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally resented that one of the biggest establishments in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a portrait of his predecessor's countenance that all visitors had to walk over.
Questioning Techniques
However it was Cheney who was among the most vehement advocating attacking Iraq, consistently quoting agency briefings that were whether thin or completely inaccurate. He backed what the Bush government indirectly described as "enhanced interrogation", the use of waterboarding and harsh treatment.
Addressing a Senate analysis in 2014 that determined that no actionable intelligence had resulted from the interrogation methods, Cheney rejected the findings as "loaded with crap". He told Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to take steps and establish programmes to capture the perpetrators who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it never happened again. That is precisely what they did and they deserve a lot of credit."
External Perception
Cheney reveled in labels imposed on him by opponents such as Darth Vader and the sinister presence, and by the idea that he was a dark force manipulating Bush. In the author's 2013 book about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Am I the malevolent mastermind in the shadows that remains unseen emerge from his lair? That is a advantageous way to operate, actually."
Business Interests
Dispute over his business interests pursued him through his period as vice-president. While he had little experience in business but established relationships in military, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's largest oil and gas conglomerates, in 1995 as chair and CEO.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's running mate for the White House. Controversially, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was given US agreements valued at multiple billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His annual income during his tenure at the firm rose from his $258,394 during his time as military head to millions. When he resigned in 2000 he had a package worth more than $20m|twenty
